EMAIL DETAILS

Five years after Tunisia’s political revolution, NDI’s recent public
opinion research
<https://www.ndi.org/tunisia-february-elections-focus-group-report> (see
below) found that many citizens continue to find their aspirations unmet by
the country’s transition. One year after electing a new president and
legislature, the majority of respondents report that their confidence in
parliament has decreased, but they still hope for more engagement and
communication from their elected leaders.

Amid frustrations with politicians in Tunis, upcoming municipal and
regional elections -- currently anticipated for next March -- offer
citizens an opportunity to elect the local leaders whose decisions directly
impact their communities. Tunisia is preparing to launch a decentralization
process that will delegate new prerogatives to heads of municipalities, and
to local and regional councils over the coming years.

The focus group research included 142 participants from four cities across
Tunisia: Greater Tunis, Nabeul, Sidi Bouzid and Tozeur. The research built
on 14 previous rounds of public opinion research conducted by NDI in
Tunisia since March 2011. Focus groups explored Tunisians’ awareness of,
and expectations for the upcoming decentralization process and elections,
as well as their views on the performance of parliament and their
preferences for engaging with elected leadership. The results will be
shared with the Tunisian government, political parties, parliament and
civic organizations.

With best regards,

Ken


Kenneth Wollack
President
National Democratic Institute
455 Massachusetts Ave., NW, 8th Floor
Washington, DC 20001
202-728-5500 (Tel)
888-875-2887 (Fax)
email: ken@ndi.org
website: www.ndi.org


FIVE YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION:

TUNISIAN CITIZENS EXPRESS THEIR VIEWS

FINDINGS FROM FOCUS GROUPS IN TUNISIA

Conducted February 20-27, 2016

By Anna Mysliwiec and Assil Kedissi

April 2016

National Democratic Institute


This report and the National Democratic Institute’s (NDI) focus group
research in Tunisia are made possible through funding from the Middle East
Partnership Initiative (MEPI) under award No. S-NEAAC-15-CA-1042. The
opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily
reflect the views of MEPI or the United States Government.

Questions about the content of the document should be directed to Jerry
Hartz, NDI Director of Government Relations and Communications,
(202) 728-5535, jhartz@ndi.org. <jhartz@ndi.org>

Copyright© National Democratic Institute 2016. All rights reserved.
Portions of this work may be reproduced and/or translated for noncommercial
purposes provided NDI is acknowledged as the source of the material and is
provided copies of any translation.


*​*


*CONTENTSNATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTEPREFACE MAP OF TUNISIAEXECUTIVE
SUMMARY PRINCIPAL FINDINGSI. Direction of the CountryII. Parliament III.
Decentralization IV. Local ElectionsV. EconomyVI. YouthVII. Additional
Citizen Priorities*

*APPENDIX A: FOCUS GROUP PROFILES*


*P**REFACE*

In January 2016, Tunisians marked the fifth anniversary of
the citizen-led uprising that toppled the regime of authoritarian leader
Ben Ali. More than a year after the parliament and president took office
following elections in fall 2014, Tunisia’s elected leaders are endeavoring
to address the country’s pressing economic and security challenges while
consolidating its young democracy. The 217-member parliament, the

Assembly of People’s Representatives (ARP), which first convened in
December 2014, has made progress on several legislative priorities, but has
also struggled with political infighting and a lack of resources and
staffing. With significant economic reforms still forthcoming, most
Tunisians continue to feel that the gains of the revolution have yet to
meaningfully impact their daily lives. Amidst commemorations of the
anniversary of the revolution in Tunis, demonstrations—strikingly similar
to those in 2011—spread through the interior regions following the death of
an unsuccessful job seeker in Kasserine.

As the transition progresses, local elections are Tunisia’s next step
towards elected, representative governance at all levels. For the first
time in their history, Tunisians will democratically elect the municipal
and regional councilors whose decisions directly impact their communities.
At the time the research was conducted, municipal elections were expected
to be held by the end of 2016; Chafik Sarsar, president of the High
Independent Authority for Elections (ISIE), has since announced a date of
March 27, 2017. Additional delays are possible, however, as an
electoral law—which would set the framework for the election of local and
regional councils—is still in progress. To bring the current electoral law
in line with the constitution, the law would divide the entire Tunisian
territory into municipalities, enabling all citizens to vote in municipal
elections. The government is concurrently preparing legislation that will
create a framework for the decentralization process, which it will submit
to parliament in the coming months. The *Code des collectivités locales *[Law
on local authorities] is expected to grant new prerogatives to heads of
municipalities and to local and regional councils, but as the
decentralization process will likely be ongoing for years, a limited number
of powers may be devolved to local officials by the elections.

*Purpose. *The National Democratic Institute (NDI) organized this round of
focus groups in February 2016—five years after the revolution and one year
after a newly-elected parliament and president began their respective
mandates. Since March 2011, NDI has conducted regular qualitative research
<https://www.ndi.org/tunisia?quicktabs_country_page_tabs=3#quicktabs-country_page_tabs>in
Tunisia to provide political and civic leaders with objective information
about citizens’ attitudes. This 15th round of research—the fourth organized
by NDI since the 2014 elections—sought to gauge the public’s evaluation of
the performance of the parliament and members of parliament (MPs), as well
as citizens’ awareness of and expectations for the upcoming
decentralization process and local and regional elections. Citizens
participated in 12 focus group discussions between February 20 and 27,
sharing their views on the following topics:

●The direction of the country and priorities that affect citizen’s daily
lives;

●The performance of the parliament;

●Expectations of members of parliament and preferences for elected
representatives to engage with citizens;

●Awareness of and expectations for the decentralization process and its
anticipated impacts on the economy, corruption, and security;

●Upcoming local elections, and views of electoral measures currently under
consideration by the ARP;

●Priority economic concerns and potential solutions to remedy them; and

●Priorities and obstacles unique to young Tunisians.

The Institute commissioned ELKA Consulting—a marketing and public opinion
research firm based in Tunisia—to organize the study in four Tunisian
governorates.

*Focus Group Research*: Focus groups are open-ended group interviews
directed by a moderator and following pre-set guidelines. The purpose of
focus group research is to understand the attitudes, opinions, and
experiences of participants who are recruited for the exercise. Focus
groups are particularly useful in gaining a deeper appreciation of the
motivations, feelings, and values behind participants’ reactions. In
addition, the group format enables respondents to participate in an
exchange of ideas—thus providing a more in-depth understanding of why
opinions are held—that may not emerge in individual in-depth interviews or
quantitative surveys. Focus group discussions are comprised of a small
number of participants, typically eight to 12 per group. Depending on the
situation, however, groups may be slightly smaller or larger. For example,
a women’s group in a more isolated area may benefit from a larger guest
list because it is likely that one or more of the participants will refuse
to speak at length, even if pressed. Focus group findings are only a
snapshot of opinions at the moment the research is undertaken. The
conclusions of this report therefore only represent opinions held when
research was conducted in late February 2016.

*Method: *Before conducting the research, NDI developed a moderation guide
in collaboration with a steering committee comprised of MPs and
representatives of ministries, political parties, and civil society,
ensuring that research findings would be as relevant as possible to their
concerns. From February 20 to 27, 2016, NDI held 12 focus groups with a
total of 142 participants in four cities across Tunisia: Greater Tunis,
Nabeul, Sidi Bouzid, and Tozeur. To capture the perspectives of a
broad cross-section of Tunisian society, NDI divided participants at each
location into three distinct demographic groups: 1) mixed gender youth
(ages 24–35), 2) women over age 35, and 3) men over age 35. Each group
comprised between nine and 12 participants. The gender breakdown was 51
percent men and 49 percent women. Participants were selected
and pre-screened to ensure gender parity and a diverse representation
of neighborhoods,
socioeconomic backgrounds, education levels, and professions.

Additional detail on participants’ demographic profiles can be found in
Appendix 1 of this report.

*Staffing and Logistics: *The Institute commissioned ELKA Consulting to
organize the study in four cities across the country. A Tunisian citizen
trained in focus group moderation techniques by NDI and ELKA served as the
moderator for all focus groups in the series. All groups were conducted in
the Tunisian dialect of Arabic.

*Group Locations: *The 12 focus groups outlined in this report were
conducted in four locations throughout Tunisia: Greater Tunis, Nabeul, Sidi
Bouzid, and Tozeur (see the map in this section). Locations selected for
the study were urban or semi-urban areas. Target cities were selected based
on their population size, economic weight, geographical location, and
voting patterns in the 2014 elections. Greater Tunis was selected because
it encompasses the capital and largest city of Tunis and its surrounding
areas, and is the national center for public administration and commerce.
Nabeul, a popular tourist destination and the center of Tunisia’s pottery
industry, is a major city in Tunisia’s agriculturally fertile and
relatively prosperous Cap Bon region. Sidi Bouzid, the site where protests
that resulted in the country’s political transition began in 2011, has
traditionally been neglected by central government. Despite its natural
resources and its tourism infrastructure, citizens of Tozeur feel similarly
economically marginalized. In all locations, appropriate venues for focus
group discussions were identified to ensure participant privacy and
sufficient space for indirect observation by NDI staff.

*Outside Influence: *Every effort was made to ensure there was no undue
influence exerted on the participants in the groups. Focus group discussion
guides were not shared with local authorities prior to the sessions. In
this study, there was no case in which the findings from one or more groups
differed radically from overall findings, which suggests that any local
influence that may have occurred did not impact the research.


*M**AP OF **T**UNISIA*


*[image: Inline image 1]*

*Executive Summary*

The findings of this report provide insights into public opinion in Tunisia
in late February 2016. Based on 12 focus group discussions with 142
Tunisian participants, the report gauges Tunisian citizens’ evaluation of
the performance of the parliament and MPs, and their preferences for
engagement with these leaders. The study focuses in-depth on citizens’
awareness of and expectations for the upcoming decentralization process,
local and regional elections, and local elected officials. Also included
are citizens’ views on the economy and on the particular obstacles faced by
Tunisian youth. A summary of the main findings can be found below. The full
results, along with selected quotations from participants, are detailed in
the Principal Findings section of this report.

*Direction of the country. *Consistent with recent rounds of focus group
research, the majority of Tunisians believe the country is going in the
wrong direction, citing the struggling economy, rampant corruption,
terrorism and its impacts on tourism and investment, and disrespect and
disorder among citizens. Tunisians feel that politicians and government
leaders have failed to make serious efforts to address these issues. In
addition to tackling rising prices and fostering employment opportunities,
respondents hope that the state will establish rule of law, equality of
opportunity, and justice. Despite these frustrations, many respondents cite
freedom of expression, open political debate, and the electoral experience
as positive developments. While opinions are divided, some participants
also believe that the security situation has been improving.

Participants in the four cities in the study demonstrate noteworthy
differences in how they evaluate the current situation and identify their
priorities. Tunis respondents’ primary economic concerns are smuggling, the
parallel market, and rising prices for food and housing. Respondents in the
three other cities share a concern over the declining profitability of
farming and call for greater investment in agriculture; declining tourism
has hit both Nabeul and Tozeur. Citizens in Sidi Bouzid and Tozeur lament
the marginalization of their regions, citing the lack of infrastructure to
profit from their governorates’ rich natural resources and the need to
travel long distances to the capital to access public services and health
care. Perceptions of security vary by region: residents of Tunis and Nabeul
generally do not feel safe in their cities, while respondents in Sidi
Bouzid and Tozeur feel safer but worry about burglary and terrorism.

*Parliament. *Most respondents report that their confidence in parliament
has decreased since the legislative elections in 2014. They perceive that
MPs prioritize their personal and party interests, that they have failed to
fulfill campaign promises, that they are not communicating effectively with
citizens, and that they do not accurately represent the diversity of
Tunisian society. In their view, MPs are more concerned with partisan
turmoil than with their responsibilities towards the population. Though
some respondents suggest that MPs are succeeding in their legislating or
oversight roles, very few believe that they are effectively representing
their constituents. While some citizens know the MPs from their districts,
the majority do not. MPs are seen as out of touch with Tunisians’ concerns,
and their salaries—particularly following recent salaryadjustments—are a
source of ire for many.

Despite their frustrations with their elected leaders, Tunisians do hope to
be engaged and consulted by MPs, and seek better information on the
parliament’s activities. Some are aware of the requirement that MPs devote
one week each month to constituent outreach and hope MPs will live up to
this obligation. This report also presents respondents’ suggestions for MPs
to engage them, including establishing constituency offices, holding local
consultations, and hiring staff. Some respondents had attempted to contact
MPs, but most of those who succeeded were not satisfied with how their
issues were addressed. Tunisians hope to receive information that would
help them better understand parliament’s roles and procedures—but many
emphasize that concrete achievements are most important to them. Women
generally feel that women’s issues are not discussed by parliament, and
some note that when they are, they tend be issues of greater interest to
privileged women.

*Decentralization. *Respondents were queried about their awareness of the
upcoming decentralization process, and the effects they anticipate it
having on corruption and public administration. Some citizens have heard of
decentralization, but question exactly what it will entail with regards to
the distribution of wealth and power. Most respondents support the idea of
decentralization, believing it is crucial to deepening democracy, ensuring
better representation for citizens, and promoting regional development and
justice. In their view, it will empower officials who are closer to the
people and better able to solve their problems without waiting for
permission from Tunis.

Tunisians are divided on the effect that decentralization would have on
corruption— which affects all aspects of their lives, whether they are
seeking services from the municipalities and public administrations,
applying for jobs and loans, or interacting with the police. Some believe
that giving local officials greater decision-making authority would reduce
corruption, making it easier for citizens to monitor their work and hold
them accountable. Many respondents, however, point to existing corruption
in the municipalities as reason for skepticism, suggesting that
decentralization may serve to further empower officials who will make
decisions based on their local connections. Respondents generally agree
that the effectiveness of the decentralization process depends on creating
effective oversight mechanisms for local officials.

*Local Elections. *While some respondents are familiar with the broad
outlines of the forthcoming decentralization process, there is less
awareness about upcoming local and regional elections. Some see local
elections as more important than national ones, but others are
disillusioned with past electoral experiences and believe that the
municipal elections will result only in more of the same class of
politicians who have disappointed citizens in Tunis. Citizens hope to elect
local officials who will tackle roads, local infrastructure, sanitation,
and regulation of local markets after they take office. Respondents suggest
a variety of means by which they would like to be engaged by local
councils, including open meetings and neighborhood commissions. They
suggest that the municipalities use SMS messages and Facebook posts, as
well as offline means such as posters and local radio stations, to provide
information about meetings and decisions and to engage citizen input
indecision-making.

NDI asked focus group participants about two measures included in the
current draft electoral law: a requirement that Tunisians update their
physical address on their ID cards and a provision that each list include a
youth candidate in one of the top three spots. Many believe citizens should
be able to vote based on their current address, but some respondents
believe that the requirement to change their IDs would be overly cumbersome
and serve as an obstacle to voter turnout. While a few respondents doubt
that young candidates have the experience to lead, there is strong support
across all demographics for the measure to guarantee youth inclusion on
electoral lists. Voter education efforts by the election commission and
civil society, and outreach by political parties and candidates, would
increase turnout in local elections, according to respondents.

*Economy. *As in previous rounds of focus group research, unemployment and
rising prices continue to be principal economic concerns for Tunisians.
Citizens, especially in Sidi Bouzid and Tozeur, discuss the shortcomings of
the temporary jobs created by the government, which
provide low-wage, unstable employment. Frustrations with poor employment
prospects are exacerbated by perceptions of corruption; Tunisians lament
the role of bribery and nepotism in finding jobs and slow and opaque
processes for securing loans and starting projects. Respondents worry about
the increasing expense of providing for their families’ basic needs and
securing affordable housing. Tunisians propose various potential solutions
to the country’s economic ills, suggesting that the government distribute
unused lands, invest in projects, and promote entrepreneurship to create
opportunities, especially for young people.

*Youth. *Respondents believe that youth priorities—centered on employment
and economy issues—have not changed significantly since the revolution, but
that youth have become increasingly desperate in the interim. Respondents
generally feel that those in power are not effectively addressing youth
priorities, but some praise specific policies such as the army’s new
recruitment drive and an initiative intended to provide more loan
financing. To tackle these problems, respondents hope to see more youth in
political leadership roles. They highlight the need for the government to
provide comprehensive solutions to youth concerns, including creating a
more favorable climate for investment and furnishing loans to young people
to start projects.

*Other citizen priorities. *Robberies are the primary security concern for
most respondents. Views are mixed on the effectiveness of policemen, but
respondents view the police more positively compared to previous rounds of
focus group research. Citizens in every region complain that policemen
don’t respond quickly enough to calls, while some acknowledge that police
are doing their best and making improvements. Many respondents express a
need for education reform, and several appreciate recent steps by the
government towards that end. Citizens, especially in interior regions,
lament the difficulties of accessing affordable, quality health care.
Numerous respondents express frustration with their dealings with public
administration, describing situations when local bureaucracy has prevented
them from receiving loans, starting jobs, and obtaining necessary
administrative papers.

While respondents look to political leadership for more
effective solutions—notably in reforming education and providing
opportunities for youth—many also affirm that ordinary citizens bear
responsibility for improving Tunisia. In their view, Tunisians should work
together for the benefit of the country and respect their fellow citizens.


*P**RINCIPAL **F**INDINGS*

This study evaluates Tunisian citizens’ evaluations of the situation facing
the country approximately one year after the seating of a new president and
parliament, and five years after the revolution. NDI conducted 12 focus
groups with 142 participants throughout Tunisia in late February 2016. The
findings, drawn from participants’ comments, are detailed below.

*I. Direction of the Country*

A majority of respondents believe the country is going in the wrong
direction, citing the state of the economy (particularly unemployment and
rising prices), rampant corruption, the impact of terrorism on tourism and
investment, and disrespect and disorder among Tunisian citizens. They feel
that politicians and government leaders have failed to make serious efforts
to address these issues. Some believe that strikes and protests are
contributing to disorder and stymying progress. In addition to tackling
rising prices and fostering employment opportunities, respondents hope that
the state will establish rule of law, equality of opportunity, and justice.

*“I dream of a country where prices are low, purchasing power is strong,
unemployment is reduced to the lowest percentage, there’s no terrorism and
there are no reasons for people to turn into terrorists, and all of the
political leaders we have here wouldn’t exist anymore!” (Female, Tunis, 31,
employed)*

*“As long as there is corruption and nepotism, our country won’t be
reformed. The other day, I heard a policeman from the present generation
asking a lorry driver to give him 10 dinars. When I looked and saw he was a
young person, I felt really bad. This is the new generation. Where are they
taking the country?” (Male,*

*Nabeul, 56, employed)*

*“The revolution slogans were employment, freedom and social dignity. We
haven’t been able to achieve anything from these slogans… Nothing is going
in the right direction. There is no employment, no freedom and no social
dignity.”*

*(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 29, employed)*

*“[There is no] strong political will that is able to cope with the
problems that originate out of the revolution.” (Male, Tunis, 32,
unemployed)*

*“Tourism has been destroyed because of the lack of security. We don’t have
tourism and investments any more so how would new jobs be created for the
new graduates?” (Female, Tozeur, 58, employed)*


*“I want to see that the law is equally applied to the president of the
republic as well as to all citizens.” (Female, Tunis, 39, housewife)*

*“There is no real will to implement the law. There is no justice.
Sometimes, the citizen abstains from taking his case to justice because he
feels this is useless.*

*There isn’t any administration in which the law and justice are applied.”
(Female,*

*Tozeur, 54, housewife)*

*“Administrations, which represent the cultivated people theoretically, are
always on strike; the teachers want pay raises; the security forces want
pay raises although they know exactly the situation of the country.”
(Female, Nabeul, 48, employed)*

*“The strikes and sit-ins. People who have jobs should be content because
they have a salary.” (Female, Nabeul, 37, employed)*

Respondents cite freedom of expression, open political debate, and the
electoral experience as positive developments since the revolution, with
some calling for patience with Tunisia’s democratic transition. Some
participants also believe that the security situation has been improving.

*“Even if the pace of this change is not regular—sometimes we make two
steps [forwards] and four backwards—there are still elements of constant
change… There’s still hope of a better future; at least we now know that
we’ll have elections in four years.” (Male, Tunis, 25, employed)*

*“We were living under a dictatorship but now we have many parties, we have
political debates and there is political opposition.” (Female, Tunis, 52,
employed)*

*“There is some credibility in the elections i.e. I can go and choose the
candidate*

*I want. Nobody imposes his choice on me. There is a secret ballot and
fingerprints. There are people who doubt the transparency of the elections
but, personally, nobody pressured me; I went to vote deliberately and I
voted.”*

*(Female, Tozeur, 29, unemployed)*

*“Freedom of expression is what we really gained most from the revolution.
We have overcome the fear that we used to live in. We used to open our
mouths only at the dentist…Now, we have more freedom. We can speak about
football, religion, and especially about politics. And everybody
understands what politics is about.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 28, unemployed)*

*“You can express yourself freely to the media, to politicians or to the
president.”*

*(Female, Sidi Bouzid, 30, housewife)*


* “Several other countries have gone through revolutions, and change didn’t
happen in those countries overnight.” (Male, Tozeur, 54, employed)*

*“People’s minds have been able to unchain themselves from the old
citizen’s mentality. Before the revolution, people had frozen minds. Now
they can actually think.” (Male, Tozeur, 54, employed)*

*TUNIS*

Residents of Tunis generally agree that they do not feel safe in the city.
Their major economic concerns include smuggling, the parallel market, and
rising prices for food and housing, though some argue that smuggling is
necessary for low-income Tunisians to make ends meet.

*“Smuggling is a real problem. For instance, before, only one or two
sellers were selling the imported red apples; now, every green grocer even
in rural areas is selling these apples at 8TD/kg! They’re smuggled from
Algeria… all these goods are smuggled and sellers are monopolizing the
market. Common people are unable to buy these products.” (Male, Tunis, 33,
employed)*

*“Those who smuggle these goods are actually people living among us. I know
them. Why do people trade in smuggled goods? There are no other solutions.
The state is responsible to provide for its people or at least decrease the
prices… In case it is not capable of doing this, it should allow trade in
smuggled goods.”*

*(Female, Tunis, 31, employed)*

*“I think that the economic situation improved when they stopped smuggling.
The*

*Tunisian products are consumed by Tunisians. Smuggling led to the increase
of prices. For example, the prices of peppers increased because they were
sold in*

*Libya.” (Female, Tunis, 43, employed)*

*“In the South, you buy three kilos from the farmer and they cost only one
dinar. But since these products go through many middlemen before arriving
at the markets in Tunis, we find that the same product costs three dinars.”
(Female,*

*Tunis, 43, employed)*

*“We have organized crime: there are people who take public transportation
early in the morning so as to rob people who got their salaries especially
at the beginning of the month. Besides, there’s sexual harassment in public
transportation and the problem is that no one moves a finger to stop what
is happening or to save the victim.” (Female, Tunis, 25, student)*

* “I live alone in the capital. I can’t go out by myself; I feel insecure.
Even when I have something very important to do, I don’t go out to do it
when I’m not accompanied by my friends.” (Female, Tunis, 25, student)*

*NABEUL*

Respondents in Nabeul are concerned about the receding tourist industry,
which has in turn impacted the pottery industry for which the area is
known, and about the declining profitability of farming. While some
acknowledge that the security and terrorism situation is better than in
other regions, many Nabeul residents do not feel safe, citing robberies and
slow police responses.

*“If we compare Nabeul with other regions, the situation here is much
better…*

*We are third in employment rates after Sfax and Sousse. But if you take
the example of the craft industry, I think we have a serious problem to
cope with.”*

*(Female, Nabeul, 28, employed)*

*“Nabeul does not have a powerful industrial network. It is full of
craftsmen and it relies totally on tourism and also on agriculture, which
depends on rain.” (Male, Nabeul, 43, employed)*

*“Where is tourism? Nabeul relies on tourism but the hotels are closed
now.”*

*(Female, Nabeul, 37, employed)*

*“The situation has deteriorated a lot. We are no longer selling our
products in pottery. Nabeul is famous for pottery and tourism... From my
own experience, I can tell you that we used to sell a lot more than now.”
(Male, Nabeul, 29, employed)*

*“[Farmers] complain about the expensive prices of pesticides. The
government no longer subsidizes pesticides; that is why prices have sharply
increased. They argue that they get no support from the state and that
there are many expenditures and a lot of hard work needs to be done
throughout the year…*

*Now, even agriculture which used to be a good source of money is no longer
a lucrative business.” (Female, Nabeul, 25, student)*

*“[The problem of stickups is a major security problem in Nabeul]
especially for women who are out on their own. If a woman doesn’t have a
car she can have a stickup at any time and the wrongdoers are usually on
motorbikes.” (Female,*

*Nabeul, 50, employed)*


* “In Nabeul, the [terrorism] situation is not that bad. However, those who
live in remote areas and in the mountains live in very bad conditions.”
(Male, Nabeul,*

*28, employed)*

*“There is no security… Boys usually go back home no later than 9 or 10 pm.
Girls, generally speaking, go back home no later than five or six o’clock
in the afternoon.” (Male, Nabeul, 26, student)*

*SIDI BOUZID*

Respondents feel both that their governorate has suffered from structural
disadvantages, and that they face discrimination on an individual level as
residents of Sidi Bouzid. While some argue that Sidi Bouzid has made
improvements or is less corrupt than other governorates, others critique
the dominance of local businessmen in public affairs. Citizens lament the
lack of infrastructure needed to profit from the governorate’s agricultural
resources, declining profits for farmers, and the lack of opportunities for
youth. Residents generally feel secure, but are worried by reports of theft
and terrorism.

*“Sidi Bouzid is badly perceived by many Tunisian people. Someone from Sidi*

*Bouzid brilliantly succeeded in the Baccalaureate exam and was planning to
study abroad. An employee in the administration discovered that he was from*

*Sidi Bouzid… he accused him of being a trouble maker and tore up his
original baccalaureate certificate.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 25, unemployed)*

*“Some businessmen in Sidi Bouzid monopolize the market. They don’t let
anyone else start a new project. Wherever you go to find a solution to your
problem, you find that these businessmen have a hand there.” (Female, Sidi
Bouzid, 35, unemployed)*

*“I think that things got better. They have started building up hospitals,
they are fixing the roads. They are working in the rural zones.” (Female,
Sidi Bouzid, 55, employed)*

*“Sidi Bouzid is much cleaner than many other governorates. I have been to
different areas in the country and I can tell you that corruption in Sidi
Bouzid is not as alarming or high as in other areas in Tunisia like
Kasserine, Béja, Jendouba and even Tunis.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 50, retired)*

*“Our land is very fertile and rich but we don’t know how to exploit our
resources… The big projects are planned in the north. However, Sidi Bouzid
and the south lack such big projects.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 25, employed)*

* “We cannot build a good economy without good infrastructure.
Businesspeople would not invest millions of dinars in a place that has no
roads or streets. Should we expect them to build the roads, too?!” (Male,
Sidi Bouzid, 29, employed)*

*“Even the sector of raising cattle is deteriorating because the farmer
sells for a very low price and the consumer gets it for a very high price.”
(Male, Sidi Bouzid,*

*48, employed)*

*“I work at 4 a.m. every day. I go out and see policemen working. I don’t
feel afraid.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 38, employed)*

*“Security improved but we are still afraid a little when, as they said, we
hear on*

*TV about sheep being stolen and about terrorists in the mountain and
terrorists who entered inside houses.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 55, employed)*

*“There is no entertainment for the youth in Sidi Bouzid. The culture house
is just an old building, an archaic institution that works with primitive
and obsolete techniques without any motivation. They don’t attract the
youth.” (Male, Sidi*

*Bouzid, 59, employed)*


*TOZEUR*

Residents of Tozeur cite the twin challenges of declining tourism and
agriculture, particularly the date crop on which the governorate relies.
They point to lack of agricultural infrastructure and the need for
investment, and are frustrated that dates and salt produced in Tozeur are
refined and exported—and therefore generateprofits—in coastal regions. Some
citizens of Tozeur say they feel safe, while others express worries over
burglary.

*“Tozeur relies on tourism and agriculture. Many people work in tourism.
The crop is close to nothing as agriculture lacks water wells to irrigate
the palm trees and the state doesn’t make efforts to export the dates.”
(Male, Tozeur, 63, retired)*

*“Last year, 13 companies exported dates and the price was at 2.8 euros.
This year, only seven companies are selling their dates abroad at only 1.9
euros.” (Male, Tozeur, 42, employed)*

*“The solution is to provide capital, even by contributing sums with a
group, to form a company that plays the role which is now played by
outsiders. People who have capital now take dates away from Tozeur and
provide jobs for their workers all through the year in Cap Bon although it
is very far from the Jrid.”*

*(Male, Tozeur, 40, employed)*


* “Our salt is exploited by foreigners. Why don’t we exploit our salt or
get the revenues of selling it? Those revenues can also be used to set up a
factory in which they would hire people from Tozeur to work. Our salt is
taken to Tunis or*

*Nabeul; they refine it there and get the revenues there and we don’t get
anything.” (Female, Tozeur, 29, unemployed)*

*“When you ask: which governorate exports more dates? The expected answer
is: Tozeur but the correct answer is Nabeul. The agricultural situation is
catastrophic. Development depends on two things: manpower and the
infrastructure. When the investors come here, they don’t find anything. How
can investments survive here?” (Male, Tozeur, 54, employed)*

*“The state could have motivated [businessmen] to stay here by reducing
taxes for example… but there remains the problem of transportation.” (Male,
Tozeur,*

*27, employed)*

*“The security on the regional level is relative. Compared with the regions
up north, we have fewer problems. Women can go out at night. We go to
wedding parties at night. However, we have robberies that prevent us from
feeling secure at home.” (Female, Tozeur, 47, employed)*

*“There are many policemen now. There is stability and security.” (Male,
Tozeur,*

*43, employed)*

*“We feel safe as far as our bodies are concerned but we feel unsafe as far
as our properties are concerned.” (Male, Tozeur, 57, employed)*

*II. Parliament*

While a few respondents counsel patience, noting the considerable
challenges MPs face so soon after Tunisia’s revolution, most respondents
report that their confidence in parliament has decreased since the
legislative elections in 2014. They cite perceptions that MPs prioritize
their personal and party interests, that they have failed to fulfill
campaign promises, that they are not communicating effectively with
citizens, and that they do not accurately represent the diversity of
Tunisian society. Many citizens suggest that business interests
are over-represented in the parliament and that MPs are out of touch with
the priorities of ordinary citizens.

*“People’s trust in the parliament broke down just like what happened with
the constituent assembly.” (Male, Tunis, 50, employed)*

*“Trust decreased because they serve the interests of their parties, not
the interests of citizens.” (Male, Tunis, 37, employed)*

* “It is not a matter of confidence. I can see they are working but there
is a terrible slowness… Their slowness is not convenient in the phase we
are going through right now. We have just had a revolution and half of the
country is still broke and we have many problems that need to be addressed
like joblessness, etc. I think that we need rapidity. You can pass a law in
36 hours if you have competent people in the specialty.” (Male, Nabeul, 64,
retired)*

*“During the elections, they were all here delivering their speeches on a
platform in the market: [a national party leader] was shouting on this
side, the other was shouting on the other side and after the elections
nobody remembered us. We are totally forgotten. They haven’t talked about
Tozeur at all since 2011.” (Male,*

*Tozeur, 34, employed)*

*“If I met one of the MPs, I would ask him only one question. ‘Have you
fulfilled even one of all the promises that you are making on TV? Why can’t
you implement what you have promised? Is it because you don’t have enough
power to change things? Or what is exactly the problem?’” (Female, Nabeul,
25, student)*

*“These candidates, in their campaigns, promised to find jobs for people
and freedom for citizens but have not fulfilled their promises.” (Male,
Sidi Bouzid, 25, employed)*

*“I think that [MPs] need more time and we have to understand them. They
didn’t have enough time. It’s a revolution just like a baby.” (Male, Tunis,
43, employed)*

*“2011’s parliament is different from this one… it did include instructors,
teachers, and all categories of the people; but this one includes
businessmen who only care about protecting their business, they pass laws
in order to protect their own companies. There are small parties inside
this parliament which are just companies.” (Male, Tunis, 25, employed)*

*“Why do all the MPs belong to the upper class especially in the present
parliament? There is no one from the poor class there.” (Male, Nabeul, 50,
employed)*

When asked about the roles and prerogatives of parliament and the extent to
which it is fulfilling them, very few respondents believe that MPs are
effectively representing their constituents, though some suggest that the
parliament is succeeding in its legislating or oversight roles. MPs are
criticized for making false promises and for lacking seriousness in their
work in parliament.

* “They are just doing an administrative job and there aren’t any
achievements on the ground.” (Female, Tunis, 39, housewife)*

*“In terms of representing the people, they did not really do their job
properly except for a few of them. They’re actually doing their technical
job which is accrediting bills of laws and such. Their role remained
technical but not political.” (Male, Tunis, 25, employed)*

*“Passing the laws in the parliament requires the presence of the MPs but
they don’t attend. First, since the MP is absent, he doesn’t participate in
making any law. Second, he doesn’t convey the opinion of people who voted
for him about that law. Third, the question is whether that law that was
enacted would benefit the region or not.” (Male, Tozeur, 42, employed)*

*“Now there is a substantial amount of work on laws being done every day by
the commissions. However, the problem is that the country is waiting for
particular laws.” (Male, Nabeul, 32, unemployed)*

*“The parliament should pass the laws. This is their first task and they
are not doing it. The constitution has remained just a paper. The
constitution is made up of articles and articles of laws. Where are those?
Where is the constitutional court? There is nothing now and the old
constitution was swept away so now there are no laws.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid,
57, employed)*

*“I agree that parliament is overseeing the government. It is trying to
focus on the ministers’ mistakes, but it is not caring about the people or
representing them.”*

*(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 25, employed)*

*“People protested peacefully in Kasserine and other regions, but they were
responded to with the same fake promises that politicians keep making… The
reason for this might be that there is actually no solution to these
problems. So, the only way that remains is trying to calm the people down.
(Male, Tunis, 29, employed)*

*“They appear on TV to talk, to shout and to applaud. After the show they
kiss one another and their dispute ends there. This is cinema.” (Male,
Nabeul, 50, employed)*

While some respondents know the MPs from their districts—often because of a
personal connection or contact during the election campaign—the majority do
not, citing their disillusionment with or lack of interest in politics, or
the failure of politicians to engage with them following elections. A few
respondents suggest that voting for lists, rather than individual
candidates, makes it harder for citizens to know their district’s MPs.

* “I don’t know them because they are neither active nor efficient. If they
had been doing what they had been elected for in the parliament, everybody
would know them.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 25, employed)*

*“I don’t know them because I don’t watch TV and have no time for this.”*

*(Female, Tunis, 27, employed)*

*“I know [local MP] … through TV. He has never held a meeting or come to
see the bad living conditions of the people. They are only on TV and they
do not even attend general meetings in the parliament.” (Female, Nabeul,
25, student)*

*“[When MPs] talk about a subject they don’t introduce themselves. It’s
very rare to see a representative starting by telling the viewers about the
region that he represents.” (Female, Tunis, 36, employed)*

*“When they run for elections, they did their utmost to communicate with
us; they even sent delegates to our homes in order to convince us to vote
for certain candidates… Afterwards, they did not seem to be concerned with
our problems.” (Female, Tunis, 28, employed)*

*“We saw the candidates on the lists but are they active in their
districts? Not really! I have never heard one of them holding a public
meeting.” (Female, Nabeul, 28, employed)*

*“They don’t have offices so you don’t know where to find them.” (Female,*

*Nabeul, 50, employed)*

*“The electoral law to vote for lists doesn’t help people to vote for their
representatives. I want to vote for individuals not for lists.” (Male,
Tunis, 50, employed)*

A few citizens nevertheless cite individual MPs who they believe have been
working effectively on their behalf. Several respondents in Tozeur
appreciate the efforts of their

MP to be present in his district and to advocate on constituents’ behalf in
parliament.

*“Some MPs are working hard and doing their best to serve the interests of
citizens but the problem is that they don’t listen to them. We don’t trust
them but we can’t generalize. Some people are working hard. For example,
[local MP] opened so many files but he couldn’t do anything.” (Male, Tunis,
46, employed)*

*“[Local MP] is present in all the different manifestations.… [Other local
MP] is trying also to be active. As the president of the general union for
the blind, I attend the regional council and I see both of them attend the
local meetings and they are trying to make our voices heard.” (Male,
Tozeur, 54, employed)*

*“The oasis of Tozeur was left with only 50% of water supplies because
people didn’t pay their bills. One of the MPs intervened with the STEG [the
Tunisian*

*Company of Electricity and Gas], they managed to postpone the deadlines of
payments and water was brought back.” (Male, Tozeur, 65, employed)*

*“I know one of them. He is from Chebbia. He is our neighbor. Depending on
what I watch on TV, I can see he talks, discusses and defends us... The
other day, when there was a sit-in, he defended us; he entered to talk to
the governor and he presented our demands.” (Female, Tozeur, 29,
unemployed)*

Respondents seek to be consulted by their MPs, and propose a variety of
means for MPs to better solicit their opinions. As in previous focus group
research, citizens contrast candidates’ frequent presence in their
districts during the election campaign with their absence since the polls.
A few are aware of the requirement that MPs devote one week each month to
constituent outreach and hope MPs will live up to this obligation.

*“[MPs] have to go out of their offices, leave their comfortable working
conditions and try to live with simple people.” (Female, Tunis, 39,
housewife)*

*“Honestly, we need someone like Bourguiba. Bourguiba used to pay visits to
the population, he even gave speeches in the street. He was close to the
population. He spent most of his time in the street, not in the castle… We
need someone like him, someone who communicates with citizens.” (Female,
Tunis, 36, employed)*

*“Sometimes I feel the parliament doesn’t represent us. To talk on my
behalf, you have to listen to me first. But how and where can I see you to
make you listen to what I want to say? They listen to one person or two and
say ‘we listen to the people.’” (Female, Nabeul, 56, housewife)*

*“He has to be present in his region. The MPs should free themselves to
represent the people… He should free his time to get in touch with the
authorities and with the civil society and discuss his region’s problems...
He should at least pay monthly visits to his region.” (Female, Tozeur, 58,
employed)*

*“The MP for Sidi Ali ben Oun needs to speak to the people in Sidi Ali ben
Oun.*

*Personally, I saw [the MP] only once during the election campaign. I was
drinking a cup of coffee in a café, she came and talked to me for about
half an hour.*

*Since then, I have never seen her again except on television. Why doesn’t
she come back to the region and talk to the people now?” (Male, Sidi
Bouzid, 27, employed)*

*“I met [the MP] once in the governorate. She held a meeting in the
governorate but … some people don’t come to meetings.” (Female, Sidi
Bouzid, 50, employed)*

*“The governorate doesn’t inform people about the meetings. They don’t tell
us that an MP is coming.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 50, employed)*

*“You have to go into direct contact with the people. Leave Facebook
alone!”*

*(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 29, employed)*

*“Their internal law stipulates that they come to the governorate for a
week every month. I haven’t seen any MP do that. They are always absent
even from the parliament so how can you expect them to be present in their
governorates.”*

*(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 36, unemployed)*

MPs’ salaries—particularly recent salary adjustments—are a source of
frustration for many respondents, who believe the money would better be
spent to support struggling citizens. Only a minority of respondents were
aware that salary adjustments are meant to cover costs associated with MPs’
housing and district visits.

*“[The MPs] disagree with each other about everything except the increase
of their salaries.” (Male, Tunis, 29, employed)*

*“They gave themselves 900 dinars and refused to give 200 dinars for the
unemployed people on the same night. In the same parliamentary session,
they signed for the increase in their own salaries and refused to give 200
dinars to jobless people!” (Female, Tunis, 55, employed)*

*“They are getting salaries, chauffeurs, cars, etc. and they keep telling
us on TV ‘we will do that thing,’ ‘we will add that thing’ but they only
add to their salaries. The 900 dinars that they added for themselves can
provide for two families.”*

*(Male, Tozeur, 34, employed)*

*“If they worried about the people and defended the people’s interests,
they wouldn’t have thought about a salary increase of 900 dinars. Some
people are starving from poverty.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 25, employed)*

*“The problem of the parliament is that they are not communicating well
with the people. For example, the 900-dinar salary increase has not been
well- explained… They used to spend much more than 900 dinars for their
stays in hotels… Now, the MPs are given 900 dinars but they have none of
these previous advantages. They used to spend six million dinars now they
only spend four million dinars. The problem is that there are those who
deserve these 900 dinars and those who do not.” (Male, Nabeul, 25,
employed)*

*“They say that the 900-dinar increase is for transportation fees when they
go back to their regions, etc. Transportation fees for what?! Do they think
that we know nothing?! In my own district, nobody has ever been visited by
an MP. Our district MPs have never visited the poor or solved any issues
that people suffer from.” (Male, Nabeul, 29, employed)*

Respondents offer a number of suggestions for how MPs can better engage
them, including establishing constituency offices, holding local
consultations, and hiring staff. A few respondents suggest that MPs need
not necessarily make direct contact with citizens, but should draw on their
existing knowledge or on contacts with local officials who are aware of
citizen concerns.

*“In every region there should be an office for the representatives of the
region from all the parties. Let’s call it the office of the
representatives of the region so that people can have reference points. If
someone has a problem, he can prepare a record including all the
information that he wants to tell the representative about and submit it to
that office. They should also give a phone number and an email address so
that people can contact them.” (Male, Tunis,*

*50, employed)*

*“The best thing for them to do is to have a permanent office in which they
can meet the people at least once a month.” (Female, Nabeul, 50, housewife)*

*“I know someone who hires someone to follow the citizen’s problems and
inform him about them. He sits for a long time in the café and he does so
for a salary from the MP.” (Male, Tozeur, 27, employed)*

*“They can make a referendum through the media, Facebook or the internet
and ask the people about their opinion on the various issues that need to
be faced.*

*People may reply or send emails to express their opinions.” (Male, Nabeul,
25, employed)*

*“There are institutions, employees, and officers that represent the state
and all of them know about the problems that exist in their districts and
regions.” (Female, Nabeul, 25, student)*

*“As far as communication with the people is concerned, it is difficult for
them to communicate with everybody so they can hire a consultant who can be
an engineer in agriculture, a lawyer or an investor to help them in this
concern.” (Male, Tozeur, 42, employed)*

*“[My MP] doesn’t have to bring me to his discussion table. He just has to
contact an official authority here. And then he can get an idea of my
problems and others’ problems. But he won’t get that just by sitting in his
chair, picking up the phone and saying: ‘hey, what’s going on there?’”
(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 41, employed)*

*“Members of the parliament and the local authorities should work together
in fact. However, this is not what happens. The governor doesn’t know
anything about the MPs and the MPs don’t know anything about the
governorate.” (Male,*

*Sidi Bouzid, 59, employed)*

Even when political leaders acknowledge their concerns, respondents feel
that politicians fail to respond effectively to them. Some respondents had
attempted to contact MPs, but even those who succeeded were not satisfied
with how their issues were addressed.

*“Even when I tried to meet one of [the MPs] in his office, he treated me
as if I was begging him or I was rejected on the claim that he was not
there. Simply, they should read the note I leave to them; I don’t need to
meet with any of them.”*

*(Female, Tunis, 28, employed)*

*“I know MPs who are available; one of them watches football matches with
us in the local café. So, he’s available and he’s ready to listen, when he
does not have work to do or a parliamentary session to attend. There are
many MPs who are available. The problem is we keep thinking that only MPs
who belong to the leading party are able to solve our problems.” (Male,
Tunis, 25, employed)*

*“Even when they give us the chance to be heard, they just listen and do
nothing about what concerns us.” (Female, Tunis, 25, student)*

*“I had a problem and I talked to the representative of Ben Arous. She gave
me her phone number but whenever I call, her secretary answers the phone
and tells me that she’s in a meeting and that she’ll call me later. I kept
calling but she never called me back.” (Female, Tunis, 53, employed)*

*“I went to meet the MP but this is the fourth week I have been trying now
and I haven’t been able to meet him. They are always saying he is in a
meeting and that we should come back next Wednesday.” (Male, Nabeul, 65,
retired)*

*“I talked with an MP just after she was elected. She said that she wanted
to do something for the youth in order to engage them and listen to them. I
told her that I was ready to help. She saw me once in the street so she
stopped her driver and told me that she had never forgotten that project.
But nothing has happened since then.” (Male, Sidi Bouzid, 28, unemployed)*

Respondents seek better communication from MPs and the parliament on the
ARP’s activities. Participants hope for information that would help them
better understand parliament’s roles and procedures—but many emphasize that
concrete achievements are most important to them.

*“I want the MPs to give us their planning. What do they do during the day?
What are their activities?” (Male, Tunis, 50, employed)*

*“I want to see the results. I want to see achievements. I don’t want to
know anything about activities or visits without results.” (Female, Tunis,
50, employed)*

*“I want to know what happens in the backstage [of the parliament], the
plans and objectives they intend to achieve especially in the south which
is forgotten in general.” (Female, Tozeur, 46, employed)*

*“I want to know the exact duties of the parliament so that I can evaluate
it.”*

*(Female, Tozeur, 47, employed)*

*“They should set up an association that tells us at least once a month
what’s going on and what we should do.” (Female, Tozeur, 25, unemployed)*

*“We want useful information. We don’t eat politics; we need bread and
school for our children.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 49, housewife)*

*Women in Parliament*

Women generally feel that women’s issues are not discussed by parliament,
and some note that when they are, they tend be issues of greater interest
to privileged women. Respondents are eager for women MPs to play a more
active role in discussing women’s concerns.

*“We watch debates about women on TV and we also listen to debates on the
radio, but we don’t see the deputies discussing matters concerning women.”*

*(Female, Tunis, 39, housewife)*


* “On the contrary, instead of reinforcing the personal status code with
new laws which are our rights we have moved backward and we are now
defending the already existing laws.” (Female, Tozeur, 54, housewife)*

*“All the MPs are males. If there was at least a woman, she would have
defended women a little bit. Besides, the ministry of women is not doing
anything. We don’t see any activities being done by the minister of women.
She is not defending women even on the national level let alone the
regional level.” (Female, Tozeur, **47, employed)*

*“We have many women in the parliament and we have a ministry for women’s
problems so, theoretically, they should feel sympathy for women and they
should know about women’s problems in the regions and at least about the
violence against women. Unfortunately, we don’t hear female MPs talking
about this violence against women in the parliament.” (Female, Tozeur, 47,
employed)*

*“We don’t hear them talking about women’s causes. I would like to hear
women and their rights and to see their voice is heard.” (Female, Tozeur,
47, employed)*

*“They talk about women but I feel that all those debates about women and
their liberties do not serve the interests of all women. This serves the
cultivated woman and the ‘dame de société’ but not the woman who struggles
in the dark. That woman is neglected. They will never talk about her and
she can’t do anything. Simple women and women in rural zones wouldn’t
understand their kind of discourse.” (Female, Nabeul, 56, housewife)*

*“Women have families, children, they know all these issues so they should
talk about this.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 55, housewife)*

*III. Decentralization*

Some citizens have heard of the process of decentralization, but even those
who are aware of the process question exactly what it will entail,
particularly with regards to the distribution of wealth and power.

*“[Decentralization means] making decisions at the level of regions.
Decision- making is no longer related to the center, the capital.” (Male,
Tunis, 46, employed)*

*“It is meant to bring services closer to the citizen so that they don’t
remain concentrated only in the northern cities.” (Female, Tozeur, 35,
employed)*

* “Decentralization is giving more power to regional authorities especially
concerning regional development. This has been mentioned in the
constitution through giving more power to the local and regional
assemblies.” (Male, Sidi*

*Bouzid, 28, unemployed)*

*“The regional authority would have more power than the central authority
on the level of the ministries or administrations.” (Male, Tozeur, 57,
employed Men)*

*“I just want to know if decentralization will concern all the ministries
and all the sectors or not. I know that the regions will take decisions
concerning the budget but are we going to vote for the governors and the
regional councils? The governor is the head of the regional council but
he’s appointed. So are we going to elect a governor too?” (Male, Tunis, 50,
employed)*

*“When these general principles would be implemented through laws, there is
a lot of confusion. For example, how to deal with the issue of distribution
of wealth.*

*We don’t know much about the budgets of the different regions. It says
that there will be a budget for each region according to its needs for
development. In addition, they will get the support of the central
authority depending on its ranking on the poverty scale. The problem is
that who is going to do the ranking and on what basis?” (Male, Sidi Bouzid,
28, unemployed)*

Most respondents support the idea of decentralization, believing it is
crucial to deepening democracy and ensuring better representation for
citizens. In their view, it will empower officials who are closer to the
people and better able to solve their problems without waiting for
permission from Tunis. Especially in interior regions, citizens are
enthusiastic about the prospect of not having to travel to the capital to
visit the administrations or access services. Some citizens expect that the
decentralization process will promote regional development and regional
justice.

*“If I have a problem with the street in front of my house, I have to go to
the municipality, then the municipality will tell the ministry, then the
ministry will make a decision… now it may become easier for the
municipality to solve these problems because they can act directly without
the intervention of the ministry.”*

*(Female, Tunis, 53, employed)*

*“It will succeed because the regional official knows the problems of the
region, he understands what’s going on, he knows the inhabitants and all
their concerns.” (Male, Tunis, 46, employed Men)*

*“Every region will have a sort of independence in terms of budget,
priorities, decision-making, etc. This is very good because services will
be closer to citizens.” (Male, Tunis, 50, employed)*

* “Of course it will be good. We don’t have anything in Sidi Bouzid. We
have to take transportation to have any paper from any administration. It
will be really great if we have offices here especially because they keep
telling you to come back tomorrow. If you go to Tunis for any paper, you’ll
have to stay one month there.” (Female, Sidi Bouzid, 35, unemployed)*

*“Decentralization means bringing the authority that makes decisions closer
to the citizen. The governor will have more prerogatives. The delegate also
will have more prerogatives so we will no longer be obliged to wait for the
answer from the capital.” (Male, Tozeur, 32, unemployed)*

*“We will avoid going to Tunis. This is really tiring and, besides, they
wouldn’t listen to us in Tunis... The governor would listen better.” (Male,
Tozeur, 34, employed)*

*“Many things will be better especially in the deprived regions. The middle
and the southern regions, for example, should be given more importance and
projects should be established there so as to create new job
opportunities.”*

*(Male, Tunis, 33, employed)*

*“I think that decentralization is related to economic projects. I mean
that concerning investment, we can’t focus on a particular region without
considering that another region has the priority.” (Female, Tunis, 39,
housewife)*

*“We would like to establish decentralization so that our goods remain
here.”*

*(Female, Tozeur, 43, employed)*

In a discussion of the impact of corruption on their daily lives,
respondents describe corruption as affecting all aspects of Tunisians’
lives, whether they are seeking services from the municipalities and public
administrations, applying for jobs and loans, or interacting with the
police. Some respondents emphasize that Tunisian citizens are implicated in
corruption for agreeing to pay bribes.

*“Corruption is widespread now more than it was under Ben Ali because, from
top to bottom, everybody accepts bribes.” (Male, Nabeul, 65, retired)*

*“Corruption is everywhere. Corruption exists among security forces who
take bribes. It’s among administrative officials who don’t do their job
appropriately, it’s among responsible officials who don’t accept to meet
citizens and solve their problems. Corruption is even among citizens who
don’t do their duties.” (Male,**Tunis, 50, employed)*

*“If you have connections, things go well but if you don’t, nobody will
help you.”*

*(Male, Sidi Bouzid, 25, unemployed)*

*“We look at corruption as something normal. Personally, I do everything in
different administrations such as in the S