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Fwd: What to Watch for in China in 2011 - Atlantic - DAMIEN MA
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FROM:
M
mandrews@ips.edu
DATE:
2010-12-29 17:16:07
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<E648AF98-E26D-4102-A20E-2459CE649675@ips.edu>
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Curtis Hastings
<curt@ips.edu>
D
Devon Archer
<darcher@rosemontseneca.com>
E
Eric Schwerin
<eschwerin@rosemontseneca.com>
H
Hunter Biden
<hbiden@rosemontseneca.com>
N
Neil Callahan
<ncallahan@rosemontseneca.com>
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I find this article very interesting. I need to do more reading to determine if it is directionally correct and if so we need to talk. MPA > > What to Watch for in China in 2011 > DEC 29 2010, 11:23 AM ET > > China had quite a year in 2010; in fact, quite the decade. I think > it's safe to say that China ended the first decade of the 21st > century in a very different place than parts of the developed world. > It dusted off the effects of the "Great Recession" and emerged the > world's #2 economy, surpassing Japan. Meanwhile, Europe seems to be > gripped by uncertainty and waywardness, dealing a setback to one of > the most momentous regional integration stories of the last half > century. > > MORE ON CHINA: > Peter Osnos: How China Elevates the Nobel Peace Prize > Mitch Moxley: Rent a White Guy > Megan McArdle: Should China Rethink High Speed Rail? > 2010 opened with the brouhaha over Google's threat to pull out of > China, shortly followed by Beijing's muscular posture toward US arms > sales to Taiwan, with threats to sanction US companies. Bickering > over currency, an assertive Beijing exerting claims in the South > China Sea, and finally a move on currency before the G20 in June > punctuated the spring and summer. With a little reprieve, Beijing > then careened into conflict with Japan over a fishing boat incident, > which had the unintended effect of catapulting obscure metals called > rare earths to dominate headlines. Of course, the crescendo came > during midterm elections when a preponderance of anti-China > political ads dotted websites and television screens, as well as a > currency bill that wound its way through the House of > Representatives. And of course, few could forget Beijing's ill- > advised and stubborn protestation against the Nobel Peace Prize (if > Liu Xiaobo was virtually unknown in China before this episode, he > sure is well-known now). Yet the year's denouement was not > accompanied by the rancor that defined Copenhagen last year, but a > gentility that saw a China willing to compromise, helping to salvage > the climate change process. > > Whew, that's a lot, and I may have omitted items. So what's in store > for 2011? > > Other than President Hu Jintao's January state visit to Washington-- > on which I will write when the time arrives--one of the most > important developments will be the final contents of the 12th Five- > Year Plan and how China begins to execute it. The plan will be > formally ratified by the Chinese legislature in March 2011, when the > numerous moving pieces that compose the broad plan will be put into > action. In a previous post, I've raised some questions to which the > Chinese will have to address in the next few years in their plan, so > I won't regurgitate them here. Instead, I want to draw attention to > a recent op-ed by Yu Yongding, an Oxford-educated former adviser to > the Chinese central bank, who offers a sober assessment of what's at > stake for China over the next several years: > > Painful adjustments needed to sustain advancement in the face of > anemic innovation, slow tech upgrades and social tensions > > China's per-capita income, at $3,800, has surpassed the threshold > for a middle-income country. > But even as economists and strategists busily extrapolate its future > growth path to predict when it will catch up to the United States, > the mood in China became somber and subdued in 2010. Indeed, Premier > Wen Jiabao sees China's growth as "unstable, unbalanced, > uncoordinated and ultimately unsustainable". > > > Economic growth, of course, has never been linear in any country. > > Throughout history, there are countless examples of middle-income > countries becoming stuck in that category for decades or eventually > falling back to low-income status. The Nobel laureate economist > Michael Spence has pointed out that after WWII, only a handful of > countries were able to grow to a fully industrialized level of > development. > > China's progress over the past three decades is a successful > variation on the East Asian growth model that stems from the initial > conditions created by a planned socialist economy. That growth > pattern has now almost exhausted its potential. So China has reached > a crucial juncture: without painful structural adjustments, the > momentum of its economic growth could suddenly be lost. > I think Yu quite accurately captures the mood that percolates > beneath the current optimism over a Chinese economic juggernaut, > both internally and externally. Not to say that China will not see > solid grow--most economists are still projecting enviable growth > rates of 8-9 percent--but the sustainability of how it is growing is > under serious scrutiny. People like Yu are increasingly warning > against complacency that can lead to a middle-income trap or > Japanese-style lost decade. Yu goes on to say: > > > After decades of rapid expansion, China has become the workshop of > the global economy. The problem is that it is no more than a > workshop. A lack of innovation and creation are the economy's > Achilles' heel. > > For example, in terms of volume, China has become the world's > largest car producer, churning out 17 million vehicles this year. > But the proportion of models developed by domestic carmakers is > negligible. > > In an era of rapid technological progress, creativity and > innovation, the global economic landscape can change rapidly. > Without a strong capacity for innovation and creativity, even a > giant has feet of clay. And when a giant falls, many get hurt. > > While China's living standards have dramatically risen over the past > 30 years, the gap between rich and poor has sharply widened. > > Income distribution has remained skewed in favor of the rich for too > long, and the government has failed to provide decent public goods. > With the contrast between the opulent lifestyles of the rich and the > slow improvement of basic living conditions for the poor fomenting > social tension, a serious backlash is brewing. > > So arrives the 12th FYP, which in theory aims to tackle some of the > structural challenges that will head off longer-term pain. But the > outstanding question remains whether China's leaders will pursue the > right policies with the kind of urgency necessary. Major economic > adjustments are usually never pleasant, and most leaders would > prefer to minimize the pain on the largest swath of the population > possible during that process. The Chinese are no different in this > regard, but how much heavy-lifting can they tolerate? > > Yu and a similarly reform-minded lot are advocating temerity over > timidity, likely in a bid to influence the direction of debate as > there are forces inevitably arrayed against them. Plenty of > interests in China eschew these changes that will involve taking > away some of their wealth, likely prompting a vigorous defense of > the status quo. There remains a window of opportunity to push > forcefully for what Yu calls a "different road," as drafters of the > plan continue to revise and churn until next year. Either way, an > interest-based political and policy battle is likely under way that > will shape how China grows over the next decade. We'll see how the > story develops. > > With that, I'll be back in 2011. Happy New Year (新年快乐)! >
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