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Re: National Journal: Turns Out, Joe Biden Was Right About Dividing Iraq
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261penn@gmail.com
DATE:
2014-02-01 02:38:03
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Alexander S. Mackler
<smacklera@gmail.com>
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Eric Schwerin
<eschwerin@rosemontseneca.com>
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Hunter Biden
<hbiden@rosemontseneca.com>
T
ted kaufman
<tedkaufman@comcast.net>
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Nice Confidentiality Notice: This electronic message and any attachment(s) are confidential and may be subject to the attorney/client privilege and/or work product immunity. This e-mail is only for the use of the intended recipient(s). If you have received this e-mail in error, please notify the sender immediately by replying to this e-mail, then delete this message and any attachment(s) from your system. Any unintended transmission expressly shall not waive the attorney/client privilege or any other privilege. On Fri, Jan 31, 2014 at 10:35 AM, Alexander S. Mackler <smacklera@gmail.com> wrote: > http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/turns-out-joe-biden-was-right-about-dividing-iraq-20140130 > Magazine <http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine> Turns Out, Joe Biden Was > Right About Dividing Iraq The former senator took a lot of grief for saying > the country should be partitioned. He's going to have the last laugh. > Broken: Iraq may be beyond repair.(AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP/Getty Images) > [image: James Kitfield] <http://www.nationaljournal.com/reporters/bio/50> > By James Kitfield > January 30, 2014 > - Share > - > - > - > - Email<?subject=National%20Journal:%20Turns%20Out,%20Joe%20Biden%20Was%20Right%20About%20Dividing%20Iraq&body=http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/turns-out-joe-biden-was-right-about-dividing-iraq-20140130> > In his new book *Duty: Memoir of a Secretary at War,* Robert Gates > memorably impugns Joe Biden's judgment as "wrong on nearly every major > foreign policy and national security issue over the past four decades." > Central to his argument is Biden's opposition to the "troop surge" that > President Bush and then-Defense Secretary Gates launched in 2007 to bolster > a shaky government in Baghdad and save Iraq from a sectarian civil war. > Biden, then a senator, championed a more federal system explicitly allowed > by the Iraqi constitution (at the insistence of the Kurds), devolving power > from the central government in Baghdad to the provinces. Although Biden > denied it at the time, his proposal would almost certainly have led to the > de facto soft partition of Iraq into three autonomous regions dominated by > Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. A similar approach in the 1990s patched > together Bosnia out of the detritus of the Balkans civil war between Serbs, > Croats, and Muslims. In a 2007 op-ed, Biden warned, "If the United States > can't put this federalism idea on track, we will have no chance for a > political settlement in Iraq and, without that, no chance for leaving Iraq > without leaving chaos behind." > He was ahead of his time. "Biden got it dead right, and I still think > transitioning to a federal power-sharing arrangement is the only way to > stop the killing and hold Iraq together," says Leslie Gelb, former > president of the Council on Foreign Relations, who wrote the op-ed with > Biden. > Indeed, Iraq today is in danger of slipping back into civil war. From the > moment the last U.S. troops left in late 2011, Prime Minister Nuri Kamal > al-Maliki and his Shiite-led government set about ruthlessly consolidating > power. They ordered the arrest of political opponents, including the Sunni > vice president, who was charged with murder and fled the country. The Sunni > tribal sheikhs behind the "Anbar Awakening"--whose decision to turn against > the Sunnis of al-Qaida in Iraq and fight alongside U.S. forces was critical > to pulling Iraq back from the abyss--have been systematically marginalized. > Promises of government salaries and the incorporation of their militias > into the Iraqi security forces were never fully honored. Last year, the > military launched a bloody crackdown on mostly peaceful Sunni > demonstrations, killing 38 protesters and sparking a popular revolt. > Bolstered by the violence next door in Syria and a growing Sunni > disaffection in Iraq, al-Qaida has predictably come storming back into > Anbar, recapturing the strategic city of Fallujah. Al-Qaida's strategy of > slaughtering Shiite civilians to spark a civil war is largely behind a 2013 > wave of violence that killed nearly 8,000 Iraqis and wounded an estimated > 25,000--representing the worst violence since the U.S. troop surge. "There > is a revolt in the desert led by a younger generation of Sunni tribal > leaders, who are pissed off and reject the older generation's failed > outreach to Maliki and the central government," says Robert Baer, a former > CIA case officer in the Middle East who remains in frequent touch with > Iraq's Sunni tribes. "Iraq is breaking apart before our eyes along the > natural sectarian borders of Kurdistan, Sunni-stan, and Shiite-stan, and > that drift apart looks increasingly inevitable." > The way to stop the violence may be separation. "Iraq is at a crossroads, > and I do think federalism could solve many of the problems we face," said > Osama al-Nujayfi, the Sunni speaker of Iraq's Council of Representatives, > speaking last week at the Brookings Institution. The Kurdish region in the > north is already largely autonomous and peaceful, and at least two other > provinces (including the strategically important and oil-rich Shiite region > around Basra in the south) have begun the constitutional process for > gaining regional autonomy. To date, their requests to the electoral > commission in Baghdad to hold local referendums on autonomy, he said, have > been ignored by the federal government and fiercely opposed by Maliki. "The > government has a double standard, supporting some favored groups and > oppressing others, and they are demanding their rights under the federal > system spelled out in the constitution," Nujayfi said. "If the government > does not respect the constitution and the rule of law, then citizens will > find alternatives. That is very dangerous, because some provincial > governors are already talking about rebellion." (Stephanie Stamm) > Perhaps if the Obama administration had not precipitously withdrawn U.S. > troops in 2011, after failing to reach a Status of Forces Agreement with > Baghdad, Iraq might have completed a more orderly democratic transition > with functional governing institutions and separation of powers. (Although > it's possible that Maliki saw U.S. troops as impediments to his > consolidation of power and that no agreement would have been acceptable to > him.) What's increasingly clear is that Iraq failed to make the transition > to a democratic political system and culture, and, without a strong center, > the sectarian forces are once again pulling it apart. > A Maliki victory in the April elections, increased Kurdish agitation for > outright independence, or continued territorial gains by al-Qaida all > threaten to accelerate that devolution. "Maliki gets the lion's share of > the blame, because his paranoia and brutish power grab have terrified the > rest of the country," says Kenneth Pollack, a senior fellow at the > Brookings Institution's Saban Center for Middle East Policy and a former > CIA Middle East analyst. "But what's done is done, and at this point it's > hard to see how you put Humpty Dumpty back together again out of Iraq's > Sunni, Shiite, and Kurdish parts. To make Iraq work probably requires a > shift of power from the center to the periphery." > Which is what Biden was saying all along. > This article appears in the February 1, 2014, edition of National Journal > Magazine <http://www.nationaljournal.com/magazine/latest-issue-20140201> > as Biden > Was Right. > -- > Alexander Snyder Mackler > (302) 598-86
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